Sunday, May 10, 2015

THE HUMAN PERSON AND THE SOCIETY

On the Foundation of a Community: From Plato’s Crito and Republic (Books 1-2)

Crito and the Importance of the Law and Social Order

In his dialogue Crito, Plato portrays a Socrates who is in prison awaiting his death sentence. He was visited by his friend Crito who was anxious about the certainty of Socrates’ death. Crito arrived in the prison cell even wondering why Socrates was sleeping so calmly when his death was about to come. In contrast, it is Crito who is so anxious about the impending death of Socrates.

In the course of their conversation, Crito was trying to convince Socrates to leave prison. Crito assured Socrates of his (Crito) capacities to support and sustain Socrates’ exile. In the perspective of Crito, Socrates could better live the life of an outlaw as they work together to find a way to expose the truth and seek for justice (as they are convinced that Socrates’ trial and sentence are unjust). In fact, Crito argues that if Socrates really loves the young people of Athens then he has to live and fight as a real teacher. His death is his own abandonment of his work and mission. If Socrates would simply allow an unjust trial to bring about his death, then he simply gives up his mission and abandoned the young people under his care.

In response to Crito’s pleadings, Socrates gave a calm reply that is so characteristic of a person of reason. He told Crito that if he is indeed a teacher, then he needs to decide with care over the current situation. He is not to blur the distinction about what is right and wrong. He is supposed to discern the right and do the right at all times. In no way can the wrong be justified. Socrates argues that the laws and state have brought him, and his friends, into being and has cared for and nurtured them. The “social order” has in a sense made them the kind of people that they are. If he escapes prison, then he will abandon his fidelity to that order, and the consequences will be worse. In the conversation, Socrates allowed the Law to speak thus:

But he who has experience of the manner in which we order justice and administer the State, and still remains, has entered into an implied contract that he will do as we command him. And he who disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice wrong: first, because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents; secondly, because we are the authors of his education; thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us that he will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them nor convinces us that our commands are wrong; and we do not rudely impose them, but give him the alternative of obeying or convincing us; that is what we offer and he does neither.

Moreover, Socrates argues that he would not be abandoning his mission even if he dies. In fact, that is the natural consequence of his being a teacher. If he truly professes virtue and justice, then he is supposed to uphold justice at all times, even if it would have to mean his death. He has to be even willing to suffer injustice rather than to do justice. Socrates again has this for the Law to say:

Now you depart in innocence, a sufferer and not a doer of evil; a victim, not of the laws, but of men. But if you go forth, returning evil for evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants and agreements which you have made with us, and wronging those whom you ought least to wrong, that is to say, yourself, your friends, your country, and us, we shall be angry with you while you live, and our brethren, the laws in the world below, will receive you as an enemy; for they will know that you have done your best to destroy us.

The Crito has argued for the importance of the law and order of the State. In the classical times when Socrates lived, the social order was almost universally treated as paramount and more important, even over individual welfare and benefits. Hence, it is almost certain that a revered teacher like Socrates would argue for the upholding of the law above and over his own life.

The dialogue insists that law and order are the foundations of the community. Socrates even made a distinction between a well-governed state and Thessaly which he described to be a state of lawlessness. “Wellness” of the state then resides in the citizens’ capacity to properly discern and commit to do that which is right, and to ensure that the social order is preserved by just laws. This dialogue could perhaps be instructive of the way we live communities in the contemporary times. The context has changed significantly between our time and that of Socrates, but “unity” in the state remains to be relevant. The significant difference lies however in the kind of ‘unity’ that required “conformity” in the Athenian society of Socrates, and the ‘unity amidst plurality’ in the social contexts of our time.

Justice in Plato’s Republic: Justice as giving one’s contribution for the state

Plato’s Republic began with a search for a satisfactory definition of justice. Socrates argued that the prevailing definitions of justice are insufficient. He does not agree with the understanding of justice as returning that which was owed, for there are instances that we are not supposed to give back what we have received from others, like doing evil in return for an evil done unto us. Socrates will not agree with the dictum, ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.’ Moreover, Socrates does not also agree with those who said that justice is about “doing good for one’s friends, and doing harm to one’s enemies.” This has partly been refuted above in Crito when Socrates said that ‘we can never be justified in doing harm on others.’ Moreover, Socrates said that we can be mistaken about our understanding of the good of our friends, and we eventually end up doing those which really harm our friends rather than do them good. Lastly, Socrates could not also agree with Trasymachus’ definition of justice as doing the will of the strong. In fact, Socrates even believes that the foundation of our society lies on the fact that we are not self-sufficient, that is, on the fact that we all have our own vulnerabilities and inherent weaknesses that can be supplied by the strengths of others.

The Republic then proceeds to describe justice as ‘doing one’s contribution for the state.’ Plato compares the organic function of the body, where all parts contribute to its proper functioning. In the same way, Plato argues that the needs of the state have to be supplied by its members. Hence, the greater the need of the state, the larger the state has to become. In Plato’s conception of the state, each of the members has to discern his/her special skills and make it his/her contribution for the state.

This is the reason why Plato would say that ‘weakness’ (cf. Bk. 2) is the foundation of the community. We come together and form a community because we are not self-sufficient. This is a thought that that has also been raised in Crito when Socrates offers an argument for the importance of the law and social order where he had the law speak about the contributions of the state in the well-being of every individual like Socrates and Crito.

In the Republic, Plato mentions that the survival of the state is assured by the coming together of people who perform their own respective role for the state: the bakers, farmers, blacksmith, soldiers, philosophers, artisans and others. It is important for Plato that all these agents in the community are doing their part because no one among us can possibly provide for all those things that we need each day. Hence, he speaks about the insufficiency of each individual as an important reason for the creation of the state. We come together and create the state because we need each other to provide those things which we cannot provide for ourselves.

With this, Plato (through Socrates) argues that it is always better to do justice rather than injustice. His critics are pessimistic on the thought that a particular person will unconditionally do justice rather than injustice for it seems that people simply want to “appear” just  and not really ‘to be’ just. We all wanted, it seems, to appear just because of the social rewards which we get in appearing as just and in the accompanying punishment that injustice begets. His critics recall the ring of Gyges, which provides the power to make somebody invisible, and argue that it would look more practical for most people to use the ring not only to “appear just,” – that is, they will make themselves visible when they perform justice; but will also use the ring to hide their commission of injustice – that is, they will make themselves invisible when they commit injustice that will enrich them personally. Hence, so they argue, it seems that the more ideal state is: “to do injustice but to appear just,” and the worst state is “when we suffer injustice and continues to appear unjust (and thereby punished).”

Countering the above claim, Plato explains that any act of injustice, even if it is hidden from the public eye, will compromise the order of the state. Such compromise will affect all the members of the state. When we destroy the social order (the just way of relating with others understood as doing that which is expected of us for the preservation and enrichment of the social order) through the non-performance of our roles in the polis, we contribute to the state’s downfall which also includes our own. Hence, for Plato, the mere appearance of justice will not really help the individual. It is only when the individual is truly just that he works for the good of the whole, which also means the betterment of his/her own self.

Moreover, it is worth noting that Plato’s definition of justice is about the ‘performance’ of our roles; it is about the realization of our functions and responsibilities inside the state. Justice, in the Platonic sense, is about our own contribution. It is about doing what each individual can do[1] in order to contribute for the flourishing of the state which will also be instrumental to the flourishing to the lives of individuals.


Society: A Network of Giving and Receiving

Contractual theory of a society: The Society as a regulator of the Freedom of its citizens

The coming of modernity has changed the social landscape of most communities. It was Thomas Hobbes who thematically outlined the nature of the human person as a self-interested being. He argues that the human person, in the state of nature, is absolutely free. Moreover, the human person is self-interested. He pursues that which is good for the self, for it is this self-interestedness that assures the human person his/her survival. Self-interest then is the primary motivator of the actions of the human person.

Yet, Thomas Hobbes also acknowledges that the human person, in his/her state of nature, is also naturally doomed towards a war with another person. He would say that “the human person is a wolf to another human person,” that is, human persons are in a constant war among themselves.  Each person’s freedom may become an obstacle to the pursuit of the other, and the conflict could escalate into wars. Wars then are mismanaged conflict that were unaddressed, or were at least insufficiently addressed.

The role of the State then is to provide a venue for compromise. In a state, every free individual enters into a contract that allows him/her to give up particular expression of his/her freedom with the reciprocal expectation that s/he will enjoy a degree of security. Locke argues that freedom can only guaranteed by recognition of certain constraints. Without a sufficient respect and recognition of constraints, freedom and well-being are hardly guaranteed. 

The role of the government (which Hobbes calls as the Leviathan) then is simply to manage our conflicts in order to avoid the wars. Though Hobbes and Locke vary in their understanding of the tasks of a government, they are in an agreement about the government’s minimal role of regulating the freedom of its citizens so that they could avoid the eventuality of wars. In this contractarian understanding of the state is not concerned with the pursuit of the individual’s well-being. Pursuing individual goods is the work of the individual and not of the state.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau furthers the reflections of Hobbes and Locke, and looks at the human person in his state of nature as a being who is both innocent and stupid. Rousseau believes that the human person is by nature good, that is, s/he pursues his/her own goods, and is not governed by any external standards of right and wrong. However, the human person in the state of nature is also stupid, and it is only in his/her association with others that s/he can educate himself/herself. Hence, the human person has to enter into associations (like the family) in order to be educated.

Sadly however, the society has the tendency to corrupt the individual. Rousseau argues that the innocence of the individual may be corrupted by the state as it is in the state where the individual may start to develop his/her envy as s/he begins to compare the self with others. Rousseau warns that we have to be careful about our human relations within a state for, as Hobbes already warned, we can be potential aggressors against one another. Contrary to Hobbes however, Rousseau teaches that in the state’s regulation of the individual freedom, justice is assured if we look into the natural rights of individual. The role of the state then is to ensure that the rights of individuals are tightly guarded against abuses. Hence, laws are to be enshrined in order to become arbiters on issues. Rousseau wants to do away with personal governments for he is convinced that personal governments could lead to some abuses. Rather, the impersonal law that has to be formulated via what he calls the general will shall become the basis for our action. Once a law, it shall command obedience even from among free citizens.

However, in the same way as Hobbes’ government is not concerned with redistributing the goods of the state to ensure justice among the members, Rousseau’s view continues to be minimalist. Though it is concerned with the good of all, it is rather ambiguous with regard to individual and even state’s responsibilities to take care of the needs of the state’s members. Instead, there is a tendency to look at the society in a rather divisive way for such theory simply looks at the other members of the community as potential offender, rather than defender, of my rights.

In a modern contractarian understanding of the society then, the pre-modern conception that emphasizes the need to create the society or a political community in order to achieve a certain degree of sufficiency – which could impossibly be achieved by an individual and is not fully addressed by the domestic community - no longer provides the paradigmatic understanding of what a society should be. Modernity’s emphasis on the capacities of the individual person veers away from the talk about our insufficiencies and vulnerabilities. Instead, modernity has divinized the capacities of the individual and argues that the individual could survive on his/her own. Entering the society then is not consequential to the nature of the human person. It is instead an anti-dote to the by-product of man’s natural state: a natural consequence towards war with others. The society, in modern contractual conceptions, is needed to ensure merely that we do not hurt one another’s life and possessions. But, it also contributes to the increasing prejudice against the talk of one’s inherent responsibilities to become brother’s keeper for one’s neighbor.

Society as a network of giving and receiving

It is modernity’s decreasing appreciation of the language of mutuality, common good and responsibility for the other that challenges contemporary moral and social philosophers, especially those within the social teaching tradition of the Church, to launch a critique to the dominant moral doctrine of contemporary societies. Most of the critics of the dominant liberal tradition proposed to revisit the Thomistic-Aristotelian tradition which holds that the human person is also a social being: the human person is necessarily related to another human person. Following Aristotle, Aquinas claims that there are two basic reasons why a human person needs a community:
a.      Man needs others for survival: No one could have survived without the help of another human person. Our family is our first human society, and we owe our survival from the people who first took care of us when we were yet unable to care for ourselves.
b.      Man needs others for well-being: No one is self-sufficient, and no one could fully provide all his/her needs. This should be a reason for us to treat others with respect because the “other” is a potential ally/helper in any of our human activity.

For Aristotle and Aquinas, the society is important because it serves as a venue for mutual help. Coming together in a society, it becomes possible for us to exchange our goods and skills in order to fill the inherent lack and limitation of each one. In other words, the community is the filler for the limitation of individuals.
Followers of Aquinas could agree with Hobbes who said that the primary motivator of the human person into action is self-interest. We do things because we are interested in them. However, we do not simply start with interests. Our realization about our insufficiency (as Plato said it) allows us to see our needs for others, and so, we enter into a community. At the foundation of our community then is our inherent insufficiency and vulnerability, which also consequently points to the necessity that we work together.

Hence, the reason for common life is not just the preservation of our own lives so that we could ably pursue our interests, but rather also in discerning the best ways where we could contribute and make such contribution for the state. It is true that I am pursuing my own interests in the state, but I am at the same time aware that my personal interests do not necessarily conflict with the common good, and in fact, in those cases when my personal interest conflicts with the common good, it may even be for my better benefit if I would have to give up parts of my freedom in this case and uphold the common good.


The Human Individual: Maturity of moral reasoning and the notion of the Common Good

An important contribution of this debate between these conceptions about the human community is the emerging discussion on how are we to understand ourselves as human individual. As individuals, we are guided in our human actions via our understanding of what is the human good for us.  That which we see as good is the one that becomes the end or the purpose of our human actions.

It is the understanding of the human good, and the importance of such conception in justifying a certain conception of justice, that allows modern philosophers to argue against its pre-modern precursors for the priority of one’s interests and rights. Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau are certainly correct in pointing out a possible excess or abuse in the ancient conception of justice that almost ignores the individual’s conception of what is good for him/her in favor of that which is beneficial for the community – justifying such conception of course with the excuse that such will be ultimately beneficial for the individuals concerned. Modern philosophers however have pointed out that we could only hypocritically push for the welfare of the individual if we will not recognize that individual’s capacity to define what is really good for him/her. Authentic concern for the individual’s well-being will mean that we allow that individual to define the human good for himself or herself.

On the other hand, modernity seems to have spawned the excessive zeal on the individual’s right to define the human good for himself or herself. With modernity, anomie (where the individual views oneself as totally free from any connection or responsibility towards others) has also emerged. Modernity’s individualist conception of the human good has also contributed to the waning appreciation of the social nature of the human person.

We are then reminded that the human person is both an individual (hence accorded with a capacity to define that which is good for him or her) and social (the human person is not, and could not be, an isolated being). The human person, while given the capacity to pursue his/her own flourishing, could not ignore his/her membership in a community, and such membership is part and parcel of who s/he is as a human person. In the definition then of what is good for me as an individual human person, I could not also totally free myself from the fact that I am also a member of a community and is thereby accorded with some responsibilities which flow from my roles. Hence, when I make decisions as a person, I of course decide on what is best for me as a concrete human person – Joel Sagut – but I could not ignore the fact that part of such a decision is my role as a teacher, as an employee, as a son, as a brother, as a husband and as a father. Some of these roles may become a source of a dilemma in certain situations – as when the demand of work will sometimes conflict with the need to be present in the school affair of my child – but, it remains true that when I make decisions, I do not just make it as an anomic individual but as a social being.

There is then an important reminder about the development of our human capacities to reason out, and our capacity to mature as a moral agent. We are first called – as the modern philosophers will argue – to make decisions for ourselves, and yet we are also reminded that making decisions require a certain degree of maturity in our reasoning. An uninformed mind could not make a good decision – this is the reason why we do not call it freedom when we let a four year old child cross a highway; it’s abusive, rather than respectful of the child’s freedom, to do this.

This is an important point that Heidegger and MacIntyre have both reminded us. Heidegger has reminded us that we are a Dasein – by being a Dasein, we are a cut above the rest. Our being a Dasein makes us different from animals which lack the capacity to recollect and to think for themselves that which is really good for them. A hungry mouse would not have second thoughts about eating a piece of cheese on top of the table – regardless if the cheese is poisoned or not; human persons are expected to behave differently. Human persons are expected to raise questions about the actions that they are about to do. It is in this sense that our capacity to make decisions is called to improve. We are all entitled to make decisions – and so we must exercise that capacity to really discern for that which is really good for us.[2]

Moreover, Heidegger reminds us that we are being-thrown-into-the-world. There are several aspects in our lives that are beyond our choices. This means that the world we are in will always influence the kind of decisions that we make. This then reminds us that when we make decisions, we could not ignore the concerns that confront us in the here and the now. We always make our decisions in context. Nevertheless, Heidegger reminds us that our freedom allows us to go beyond our context. Yes, we decide according to our contexts, but we are never determined by our contexts. A poor student for example makes decision according to the limited resources that s/he has. S/he knows that his/her decisions to go to school could be limited, but such limitation will not prohibit him/her from entering quality schools. Having been made aware of the limited resources, s/he, for example, would have to make sure to grab and work for any possible opportunity to enter a quality school for College. Such decision allows him/her to make the kind of decisions that she takes. So, when she decides to spend much of her time for her studies instead of going with friends to a mall, she manifests a degree of maturity in her understanding of her own context. Heidegger then reminds us of this important component – a good degree of sensibility towards who we are, where we are, what we have, what we would want to achieve – that will allow us to decide more appropriately. It calls us to mature as a moral agent in order to make the proper decisions that we are supposed to make.

Lastly, Alasdair MacIntyre, offers another important reminder about cultivating our minds in order to make good decision about what is good for us. MacIntyre, affirming what Heidegger has said about Dasein’s capacity to define the human good for himself/herself, and the need to decide in context, also reminds us that as we mature in what he terms as independent practical reasoning, that is, making your own decision about what to do in the here and the now, it is important to be mindful that our interests and desires are also at the same time formed. One fundamental responsibility of the moral agent is the kind of exposure and formation that we provide for ourselves in order to begin appreciating the things that we appreciate as good. Hence, MacIntyre calls for a degree of custody over our senses and our mind, and to orient ourselves with our responsibilities not just as an individual but also as a social being. Hence, MacIntyre reminds us of the importance of the concept of the common good in the development of our independent practical reasoning – reminding us once again that we can be vulnerable anytime and that the way we appreciate that which is good need not be purely self-directed but should also be directed towards the common good.

Following Heidegger and MacIntyre then, we are reminded to really make good decisions for ourselves, and it would be unjust against us to be deprived of the capacity to make that decision for ourselves. However, we too are reminded that our minds and desires are formed by every exposure, every little action, every minute decision that we make. As we mature in our capacity to decide for the things that we think to be good for us, we are reminded to resist the temptation of a self-directedness that compromise our social nature as a human person.

On the Human Person as a Free Individual[3]

One important component of the human person, especially if that human person is to live inside a community, is the expression of his/her personal freedom and individuality. How shall an individual human person function within a community? Hobbes and Rousseau have already pointed out that though the human person is free (absolutely free in fact), s/he would have to negotiate that freedom as soon as s/he enters into a community. Hence, it would also be worthwhile to look into that freedom.

Martin Heidegger believes that the beginning of human wisdom is in the realization that the human person, which he calls as the Dasein, has two important realities: s/he is a being-in-the-world and a being-towards-death. Being-in-the-world has several implications:
  1. Every human person has a world: No one lives in a vacuum. Rather, every human person has an immediate environment, and such environment affects the thoughts and choices of the person. This means that every human person lives in a context, and such context is always unique. Heidegger says that my world is purely mine. This explains why every human person, no matter how proximate his/her environment with that of another, maintain his/her uniqueness. No two individuals are totally alike because no two individuals have exactly the same world.[4]

  1. In that world, there are other entities, which he divided into Dasein and mere entities. All other things in the world (including animals) present themselves to the human person as a ready-to-hand. We relate to the world via the world’s practical significance in our life, that is, the world’s usability. The entities of this world can serve as tools. But, there are also other Daseins in the world, and they refuse our tendency to use. Other Daseins resists any attempt of manipulation, and so they have to be treated as another free and autonomous individual. We respect other Daseins in the same way as we want ourselves to be treated. We need to practice intersubjectivity, that is, every other Dasein is a being endowed with his/her own freedom. This means that every Dasein is free to express his opinion, to resist our control and manipulation. This means that we would need to deal with every Dasein singularly: only authentic dialogue can allow us to become a Being-with-Others.


  1. We are all THROWN-into-the-world. This means that there are many aspects in our human existence that are beyond our choice. We do not choose our nationality, our age, our race, and even our surnames. More importantly, most of these things largely affect the kind of existence that we live. Hence, Martin Heidegger says that we are thrown to particular situations, which in most parts are not really product of our choices and actions. Martin Heidegger refers to this as the destining of Being. Being leads us to where we are now, and our thrown-ness highlights the limitations of our human freedom.

But, our being thrown into the world is precisely the basis for Martin Heidegger’s concept of human freedom. If human persons are thrown, which means that there are many aspects in our personal lives that are not really product of our choices and actions, does this mean that we are less free? For Martin Heidegger, our being thrown does not in any way diminish our freedom. Our thrownness is part of our nature: that is who we are. However, we remain to be free despite having been thrown. For Martin Heidegger, our thrownness is the basis for our freedom. Our choices are always colored by our context, by our world. No other person could impose his/her decision on what I should do because I have my own context. I am singularly thrown. However, I need TO DEAL with my present world. He describes the condition of man as a BEING-THROWN INTO THE WORLD…

For Martin Heidegger, freedom is transcendence. We need to outgrow the present context where we are in. Human life is but a continuous attempt to transcend our present situation. A man who lazily refuses to transcend his present condition also loses his sense of meaning in life. Being free means that I should be able to TRANSCEND my current situation. Freedom means a constant attempt to push and extend my boundaries. This is the reason why human growth and freedom go hand in hand. Only free individuals are able to grow because they are the ones who are not afraid to push their current limits.

True freedom means brings courage and bravery. A truly free individual is not afraid to try new things. Certainly, new things are fearsome. New things bring uncertainties. It forces us to face new horizons. In fact, NEW THINGS ARE MONSTROUS and monsters are frightening because of their novelty. Any monster that has become familiar ceases to become a monster but may even eventually become a friend. For Martin Heidegger, though new things are oftentimes frightening, we need to embrace and welcome them into our lives. It is in trying new things that we grow as an individual. New challenges and new responsibilities are opportunities to become a better person, they are occasions for us to become free. This means then that a truly free individual is one who leaves his/her comfort zone and attempts new things in his/her life. It is in being free this way that we become better individuals.

Moreover, a being-towards-death means that the human person has a limited existence. This life has an end. The realization of an end reminds us to “care.” Finitude oftentimes, it ‘must’ in fact, leads us to appreciation. Realizing that this life is a finite one, that it has an end, allows us to appreciate the need to make plans for this life. We need to plan for our life in order to make sense for it. We need to create and design priorities, for we know that we can never do “all” things in this life.

Martin Heidegger is reminding us then that as a free individual, we are limited beings. Freedom is a capacity to make sense to the finite existence that we have, with due consideration and attention to our thrownness, to our givens, to our contexts.



[1] Alasdair MacIntyre, in his Dependent Rational Animals, has pointed out that even the weakest members of the society could “help” us learn more about ourselves. In that sense, even the weak contribute to the betterment of the state. Hence, it is sad when we deprive them to perform that role by simply disregarding them.
[2] It is important to emphasize this because there are many people, especially young people who surrender this capacity on behalf of what they see, hear and watch in the popular media. We are oftentimes tempted to allow the wider culture to define for us that which is really good. Peer pressure in school setting for example is an important component of this. Pressure exercised by what we see in the social media is another. We are always tempted to see the popular culture as definitive of what is good or bad. It is to counter this tendency that Heidegger invites us to become authentic Daseins.



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